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Ladies and gentlemen of the Democratic National Committee… the Aristocrats!

Fascist politics is well known for containing a complex of behaviours, focused on the worship of mythical masculine deeds, which invariably coalesce to create a phallic cult. The manner in which it does this is well documented. Liberalism is not so frequently marked out as a phallic politics. Yet phallic it is- unerringly so. There are, of course, common arguments over the degree of liberalism’s patriarchal nature, and its martial nature and so on, and few would argue against the roots of enlightenment liberalism in a specifically very masculine and misogynist cultural context. Despite this, it is seldom analysed in the context of how it also creates a phallic cult. …

Dual Power is at last being talked about in British revolutionary left wing discourse, having previously been ignored outside of a small number of Syndicalist, Anarchist and Communist organisers already familiar with the subject. However the debate here needs to catch up fast to the state of affairs that we are presented with. Accordingly I have prepared this guide, which examines multiple aspects of the concept, including the most recent commentary on the subject from modern Communists and Anarchists in the USA.

This piece can either be read in depth as a piece of work in its own right, or readers can skim it for links to other bodies of work and the quoted texts that I have included. Those seeking a rapid definition of the concept should read the introductory points at the beginning and then skip directly to the Appendix at the end of the article.

Over the last year the foundational assumption of a large chunk of the left has been demolished. This statement largely refers to the reformist left, but greater things are afoot than the collapse of electoralist strategy, and self described proponents of the revolutionary position are faced with similar challenges to foundational ideological positions. We must confront the problems thrown up by this phenomenon. For reformists there are practical issues of what to do now, in the current context. …

This article originally appears as the third section of my essay “Crisis and Mobilisation” which was written approximately this time last year, and published in March of 2019. I’ve published itas a slightly edited free standing piece in order to seperate its content from the rest of the original essay, and because I believe this section is of more contemporary relevance to the left in the UK, in a period when many radical leftists, in particular Anarchists and Communists are thinking of how to readjust to a post-defeat reality in 2020. With limited numbers, left wing political actors have limited options. At present though we have a variety of communist, anarchist and syndicalist projects in operation in the UK, they are tend to only be comprised of small numbers of people. However there are often social ties between these groups, which exist in constant interaction with each other in the course of political activity, creating something halfway between a scene and an ecosystem. It is critical to view things within a realistic scope- our numbers are incredibly thin and we simply can’t expect to get to anything kind of seriously aggressive footing for years. …

Co-authored with @gegenhegemonie2

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Descend into the soup of acronym-organisations at your peril.

The radical left in the UK is generally divided along ideological lines, between parties, unions, associations and sects. However, while such a division plays a role in picturing the landscape of the left, dividing things along the lines of formalised ideological position obscures what it is that these organisations actually do. And in political action, it’s what we actually do that actually counts.

In fact, what we do in our communities and localities often counts for far more than the theoretical ideological positions that we espouse, particularly when we seldom follow through on the meanings of those positions. Anyone familiar with militant leftist organising in the UK will be very familiar with a certain discrepancy between stated intentions and outcomes. The disparate formations within the left generally identify themselves ideologically, drawing positional comparisons between themselves and other groups in the milieu, rather than comparing what types of activities they take part in. Any given small socialist party will generally compare its rhetorical positions on matters such as foreign policy with those of a different small group and so on, ignoring that both of them are generally characterised by very similar forms of practice. …

Yeah, so i wrote this essay about a month ago, when we were 3 weeks out from the election. That went great didnt it.

anyway theres a bit in the second to last paragraph whre i say “ We have to escape the quagmire of the traditional intra-left squabbles that stand in for genuine theoretical debate and have a wide discussion about strategy in the current British political context.”

We should probably do that now.

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What if the left loses the next election? What are the consequences? The question isnt just a rhetorical one. Its a real query. …

Current discourses surrounding the role of Extinction Rebellion in the British radical political scene tend either to focus on their effects on climate policy, the supposed success of their methods, the engagement of the youth and of people previously not deeply political, or tend to offer moral or technical criticisms of their relationship with the police and the security state. While this subject has been written about in those terms elsewhere, broader strategic alternatives are, with some exceptions, yet to emerge in force from the organisations that XR has come to compete with in the radical political scene. …

A proposition for how Marxists, communists and anarchists could, or perhaps should, consider the challenge of building dual-power, and counter-institutions in the UK. The basic purpose is to try and establish that there are ways out of our present organisational predicament, and that they are derived from understanding the way that we got into it. This should not be conflated with a program to instantly establish revolutionary capabilities and one-shot the bourgeoisie. …

I. Kosigan

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